Abstract

Migration and its effects have been explored in depth over the years, taking precedence in national debates such as Brexit. In more recent years, transnational families have been explored, with the relationships being sustained over a geographical distance. However, little attention has been paid to language, and the effect that this can have on identity. It is unsurprising that this has received scant attention, as the vast majority of research surrounds those who can speak the mother tongue, and when research is centred around those who cannot, it often conveys negative attitudes towards the mother tongue. This dissertation seeks to explore the impact that lack of mother tongue knowledge has. Concentrated on four ethnic minority university students, this dissertation determines that whilst language is regarded as important, it is not as integral to identity as previously assumed.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my supervisor, Roda Madziva, for her constant support throughout the process. Her help and support pushed me to challenge myself whilst writing this dissertation.

I would also like to thank my family and friends for their support throughout the last three years. None of this would be possible without you.

Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION 1

LITERATURE REVIEW 3

COLONIALISM AND LANGUAGE 3

ASSIMILATION 4

DIASPORA AND TRANSNATIONALISM 6

IDENTITY 7

METHODOLOGY 11

RESEARCH PARADIGM 11

METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH 11

SAMPLING 13

INTERVIEW PROCESS 13

DATA ANALYSIS 14

REFLEXIVITY 14

ETHICS 16

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS 18

GUARDIANS OF THE CULTURE: A STORY OF WOMEN 18

OUTSIDER 18

ASSIMILATION AND EDUCATION 19

WORKING WOMEN 21

JUST A COOKIE AWAY 24

THE END OF CALLING CARD CULTURE 24

ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 27

SEEING IS BELIEVING 28

DIGITAL BONDS ACROSS BOUNDARIES 29

A TALE OF TWO COUNTRIES- BELONGING 33

HOME IS WHERE THE HEART IS 33

MOTHER TONGUE KNOWLEDGE 36

COLONIAL IMPACTS 38

CONCLUSION 41

REFERENCES 43

APPENDICES 52

RESEARCH ETHICS CHECKLIST 52

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET 57

GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) privacy notice 60

INTERVIEW TOPIC GUIDE 61

INTRODUCTION

In a world that is becoming more multicultural, the effect of lack of mother tongue knowledge on identity remains unexplored. Multiculturism has led to an array of languages being spoken in one location. This is particularly the case in London, as ‘more than 100 different languages are spoken in virtually every borough’ (The Evening Standard 2013). Bearing this in mind, it is clear that language and language usage is becoming more diverse. As a result, increased debates surrounding integration and assimilation policies have occurred, with the UK being said to have adopted a model which is based on ‘the acknowledgment and protection of cultural diversity’ (Garcia 2010: 254).

Considering this, one would expect to see a trend in which mother tongue usage is on the rise, as one is able to embrace their culture. Language is a primary way to do so, being described as ‘the mirror of culture, in the sense that people can see a culture through its language’ (Jiang 2000: 328). However, this is not the case as many have assimilated into the culture of the UK, and as a result, their mother tongue has been lost (Nesteruk 2009). This is particularly concerning, as Letsholo (2019) notes the importance of younger generations speaking the mother tongue in order to ensure its survival.

Existing scholarship on this area has been predominantly based in the US (Tran 2010, Kim and Min 2010). However, my research is based in the UK, which provides an alternative view on this phenomena, as the contexts in American and the UK cannot be seen as the same. Furthermore, there has been a lack of research into the experiences of those who cannot speak their mother tongue, with scholars like Preece (2009) offering much needed analysis on this topic.

This dissertation seeks to address the gaps stated above, through an empirical study of the experiences of university students who cannot speak their mother tongue. To try to address this phenomenon, the research aims are :

How does language affect identity?

How do people stay connected to their home culture, and how does this affect belonging?

These aims will help me to assess the importance of language on identity, and the other means through which identity is formed.

My dissertation will outline the literature and the methodology employed. It will then discuss the gendering of culture, virtual transnational families and belonging. This will conclude by summarising my findings, and evaluating the findings in regard to the aims.

LITERATURE REVIEW

COLONIALISM AND LANGUAGE

It is undoubtedly clear that colonialism has had an impact on language. The ‘colonized is elevated above his jungle status in proportion to his adoption of the mother country’s cultural standards’ (Fanon 2008: 9), emphasising that retaining one’s language positions one as substandard. It is observed that in settlement colonies local or regional monolingualism occurred ‘favouring the language of the colonising nation but dooming to extinction the languages brought by the Africans’ (Mufwene 2002: 169). This is best understood under the context of colonialism, in which European languages were imposed on the natives of a country.

Shin and Kabuta (2008) recognise that colonisers are able to produce an essentialised knowledge that constructs the colonised subjects as inferior. However, Crystal (2003) argues that English is more than just a colonial language of the past, but a neutral tool for communication. This ignores the structural factors that enabled English to become a global language initially. This is in sharp contrast to Phillpson (1992) who recognises that the global prominence of English as a result of colonialism has helped to maintain inequalities between Western and other countries.

Such attitudes have permeated to education, as mastery of English is seen as a reflection of your academic ability (Evans and Cleghorn 2014, Macedo 2000 and Stroud 2001). Furthermore, ‘institutions that provide English-medium instruction continue to produce political, economic, and academic elites’ (Shin and Kubota 2008: 213). When English is privileged in any public forum, there is less of an incentive for those that do know their mother tongue to share this with their children.

The existing research shows English is prioritised, providing speakers with greater economic opportunities. This is reiterated as ‘policy makers have encouraged the role of English in deference to the economic and educational opportunities of globalization…’ (Canagarajah 2005: 419). Such ideals have resulted in those within African societies having ‘negative attitudes toward using mother tongues as languages of school instruction or formal communication’ (Grigorenko 2009: 190). Hence, colonial ideals are so intrinsic in the culture that native languages are now looked down on.

Furthermore, negative ideas have been perpetuated about bilingualism, with language policy in the US described as ‘subtractive’, due to the emphasis placed on literary development solely in English (Menken and Klyen 2010). This is particularly damaging, as those who have ‘the opportunity to develop and maintain their native languages in school are likely to outperform their counterparts in English-only programs and experience academic success’ (Menken and Kleyn 2010: 400). This shows limiting non-English languages is not for the speaker’s benefit, but rather to perpetuate the idea of English superiority. Again, this could arguably be as a result of colonialism. This clearly leads people to assimilate.

ASSIMILATION

The idea of assimilation is reoccurring in the research surrounding mother tongue teaching. Mufwene (2002), Alba et al (2002) and Djajic (2003) all stress the importance of people learning the language of the country that they have settled in, as language continues to be a clear marker of ethnic and cultural differences. Norton (2012) links identity to desire, and therefore assimilation can be imagined as the desire to fit in. Supposed advantages of assimilation are seen as ‘residents of the host country typically extend much warmer hospitality to immigrants who share their religion, language…’ (Djajic 2003: 832). Could this be the reason why parents do not teach their children the mother tongue- to avoid feelings of isolation?

It is also important to consider the spaces that mother tongue speakers showcase their knowledge. This aligns with the idea of the ‘front… the expressive element of a standard kind intentionally or unwillingly employed by the individual during his performance’(Goffman, 1959: 32). This shows the home as a space where people do not have to be perform, and are more inclined to speak their mother tongue. The mother tongue is ‘restricted to use with social intimates, especially family members’ (Alba et al 2002: 469). This makes the mother tongue appear to be something that is not to be shared outside of a familial setting. Could this be because people have been made to feel uncomfortable when speaking the mother tongue outside of this context?

Attention is drawn to the dominant language spoken at home, and how this affects knowledge of the mother tongue, finding ‘intermarriage has undeniable consequences for mother-tongue maintenance’ (Alba et al 2002: 471). This could be seen as a means of assimilating within the home to create a shared culture. This will be explored in my research. Furthermore, research found that ‘the probability that a child will speak only English increases with the parents’ average educational attainment’ (Alba et al 2002: 478). Arguably, education is one of the most powerful mechanisms to assimilate into a society, strengthening the argument that increased assimilation can lead to the loss of the mother tongue. However, some people stay connected to their homeland through the diaspora.

DIASPORA AND TRANSNATIONALISM

The idea of diaspora has been heavily debated amongst scholars. Originally used regarding the Jewish community, it was associated ‘where one dreamed of home but lived in exile’ (Cohen 1997: ix). This idea has expanded, referring to those that have connections in their home country and the country they reside in (Lavie and Swedenburg 1996, Hau 2005). This connection has manifested through ‘kinship, travel, shared culture, language and electronic media’ (Hua 2005: 192). Therefore, technological advances have enabled sustained connections with their home country. This is a point of analysis for my dissertation, exploring the relationship between the diaspora and the participant’s relationship with their mother tongue.

However the concept of diaspora can ‘homogenise difference and multiplicity…within the community to form what Paul Gilroy (2000) calls ‘‘ethnic absolutism’’, in which all individuals of a particular diaspora are perceived as inherently linked by heritage’ (Hua 2005:194). This failure to recognise these differences might lead those who do not speak the mother tongue to feel they are not connected to the homeland in the same manner as those who can. Additionally, another problem with the existence of diasporas is observed, as ‘’the failure of integration’’ has emerged as a widespread and prominent public discourse’ (Vertovec 2006: n.pag.) in Europe. Thus, the need to abandon the traditions of the home country to assimilate can be seen, as retaining such cultural practices is viewed negatively.

The idea of transnationalism is one closely associated with diaspora. Transnationalism has been defined as “a process by which migrants, through their daily life activities create social fields that cross national boundaries”’(Basch et al 1994: 22 quoted in Thondhlana and Madziva 2018: 242). This is different to the traditional notion of diaspora, in which people are removed from their homeland and therefore do not retain connections. Therefore, if I discover that the majority of my participants maintain a connection to their homeland, the idea of transnationalism might be more suited. Research surrounding transnational families is particularly relevant to my dissertation, as they discuss the ways that intimacy is performed across borders (Parreñas 2005, Skrbiš 2008). This shows that migrants abroad are able to maintain connections with their family, displaying meaningful relationships. Hence, the link between transnational, the diaspora and identity can be observed.

IDENTITY

The concept of identity is defined as ‘common origin or shared characteristics with another person or group…’ (Hall 1996: 4). Furthermore, the idea of identities being ‘multiply constructed across different, often intersecting…discourses, practices and positions’ (Hall 1996: 4 ) alludes to the multiplicity of identity. This is key to my research as the plurality of identities will be explored, looking to investigate if there is a difference in the identity associated with the mother tongue in comparison to English.

It is important to examine the function of language to fully understand why it is so essential to identity. Language is ‘a purely human and noninstinctive method of communicating ideas, emotions’ (Sapir 1921: 7 quoted in Edwards 2009: 53). Reyes (2010) observes that ethnicity is commonly associated with distinctions based on language and other cultural markers. From this, language can be seen as a boundary in which those that cannot speak it are excluded. This idea is further reinforced by Agnew (2005), noting certain aspects of identity are emphasised, such as language, whilst simultaneously blaming those who fail to integrate for continuing to speak the language.

The idea of language being representative of identity is debated as ‘national identity can be realised without there being a single language to express that identity’ (Quirk 2000: 6). This is in sharp contrast with other scholars on the topic, who argue that language shapes identity. Furthermore, the idea of identity being based on outside perceptions of the self is explored, with many seeking validation from those within a group to assert their belonging (Stets and Burke 2000, Kellner 1995). This is again relevant to my dissertation, as the perception of family members towards those that cannot speak their mother tongue is an issue that will be explored.

Identity is seen as increasingly uncertain and fractured in modern society (Bauman 1996, Stets and Burke 2000, Kellner 1995), indicative of the plurality of identity. This is particularly salient to my dissertation, as I believe that there is a sense of tension between people’s identity with their mother tongue in comparison to that of their first language, and that this has not been explored in existing research. Language is seen as ‘as opening pathways…to fulfilment in identifying with a civilised community’(Quirk 2000: 3), stressing that language is an integral part of belonging to a community. Hence, it is important to look at the impact of not speaking the mother tongue, as less attention is given to this phenomenon.

The importance of social networks in forming identity is explored, as ‘Mark’s social network- his Black Caribbean teachers and brother- played a significant role in helping him sustain his perceived Trinidadian cultural values’ (James 2005: 237). By being around those that self-identity with a group, one is able to fashion themselves to retain the culture. This is similarly explored as ‘the closer the contact with family back in Bangladesh, the higher the use of Bangla in the home domain’ (Rasinger 2012: 55).This affirms the link between a close link to one’s ‘home’ and speaking the mother tongue. Therefore it is important to conduct research into why people were not taught their mother tongue, and see if familial distance plays any role in this. Similarly to Rasinger, Martin (2009) and Preece (2009) focus on those from an Asian background, specifically the experiences of students. They stress the importance of studying such groups, as students have been exposed to incredibly diverse people, and this may well have an effect on the importance of their ‘home’ in their lives. The idea of a natural language is also explored, with those that felt integrated in British culture having a preference towards English both in the home and outside (Preece 2009 and Rasinger 2012). Preece (2009) is also one of the few to draw attention to the opinions of family towards those that cannot speak their mother tongue: ‘‘Tahir goes on to explain that his elders view his use of language as a sign that he is ‘forgetting his roots’, a charge which Tahir does not refute’ (Preece 2009: 23). It is clear that there is an air of judgement from family members towards those that cannot speak their mother tongue. My research will explore similar issues. These three articles are also some of the few pieces of research on this subject that focuses on the UK. For this reason, I think my research is important, as it focuses on the experiences of ethnic minority university students, and is based in the UK.

METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH PARADIGM

My dissertation employs qualitative research methods, using semi-structured interviews. The paradigm underlying my research is constructionist, as ‘realities are multiple, and they exist in people's minds’ (Guba 1990: 26). This is echoed by Chilisa and Kawulich (2012), who observe that realities cannot be generalise. This is best suited for my dissertation, as my aim is to understand my participants’ perceptions of the mother tongue, and recognise that these might differ from both myself and other participants. Furthermore, the constructionist paradigm ‘confronts social actors as external realities that they have no role in fashioning’ (Bryman 2012: 33). This acknowledgement of culture being socially constructed is particularly relevant, as the decision to not teach your children the mother tongue is rooted in connection to your culture.

METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH

Four participants of university age were interviewed. Interviewing people outside of this group was not especially relevant, as I particularly wanted to explore the experiences of people who were in a similar position to me, as the researcher. Arguably, interviewing people across generations would have been more beneficial to obtain a holistic understanding of the situation, but my participants enabled me to explore this topic well. Quantitative data would not have been beneficial for this research, as qualitative research ‘tends to rely upon the "participants' views of the situation being studied" (Creswell 2003: 8 quoted in Mackenzie and Knipe 2006: n.pag.). This is necessary for my research as to understand their perceptions I need to have conversations.

Semi-structured interviews allow me to ‘start with a defined questioning plan but will shift in order to follow the natural flow of conversation’ (O’Leary 2014: 218). This is useful for my dissertation as I am asking my participants specific questions about their experience of the mother tongue, but still providing them the scope to explore other issues, such as expanding on their relationship with the diaspora and how this has affected them. Furthermore, my research has the potential to cause people to reflect on their relationships with their home country. Thus, semi-structured interviews are beneficial to understand ‘individuals’ personal histories, perspectives, and experiences’ (Mack et al, 2005:2). Furthermore, ‘unstructured interviews nearly always take place between individuals who share more than simply the interview encounter; usually the ethnographer will have established an ongoing relationship with the person being interviewed, one that precedes the encounter and will continue after it (Davies 2007: 105). Whilst I have chosen to use semi-structured interviews as opposed to unstructured, this point is still relevant, as my participants were accessed through my pre-existing social networks. This means that during the interviews, I will be able to introduce points based on prior knowledge, such as where they are from, or relationships with extended family members, helping me obtain the richest data for my dissertation. Furthermore, this sense of rapport would help my participants feel more comfortable disclosing information to me. The relevance of semi-structured interviews to my dissertation, as opposed to an alternative method, is also observed, as ‘with questionnaires the concise meaning of a question may not always be clear, whereas with an interview meanings can be immediately clarified.” (Gray 2014: 943). Hence, interviews give my participants the opportunity to seek clarification, such as expanding on what I mean by assimilation.

SAMPLING

Purposive sampling was used to find my participants, who were selected ‘according to preselected criteria relevant to a particular research question’ (Mack et al 2005: 5). This specific criteria was ethnic minority students in university who are unable to speak their mother tongue. This method is particularly apt when ‘one needs to study a certain cultural domain with knowledgeable experts within’ (Tongco 2007: 147). My participants are ‘experts’ in a sense; understanding the unique experience of not being able to speak the mother tongue. As previously mentioned, I believe that the experiences of those that could speak European languages, such as French, would be different to those who speak African languages, such as Yoruba, due to the impact of colonialism, which is why I decided on such a group. These participants were accessed through my own social networks within university.

INTERVIEW PROCESS

Interviews for my participants were undertaken in Hallward Library, University of Nottingham. All interviews were recorded with participants’ permission, requiring them to sign a consent form prior to the interview taking place. A participant information sheet was also given to them to provide a clearer understanding of what the interview entailed; the perceived benefits, and who they could speak to if they felt that there was a problem during the course of the interview. When conducting the interview, an interview guide was used to ensure that specific topics were discussed, but participants were allowed to deviate and expand from this.

DATA ANALYSIS

After the interviews were carried out, I transcribed the data to carry out thematic analysis. This is defined as a ‘method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data’ (Braun and Clarke 2006: 79). This allowed me to observe the commonalities between my participants’ experiences of not being able to speak their mother tongue. Themes emerge through ‘conversation topics, vocabulary, recurring activities, meanings, feelings’ (Taylor and Bogdan 1989: 131). By looking at the topics of conversation that reappeared frequently through the interviews, I was able to identify themes such as the gendering of culture; ideas of belonging, and virtual transnational communities. All of these themes helped me have a greater understanding of the implications of not speaking the mother tongue.

REFLEXIVITY

It was important for me to consider my position as a researcher, examining both the impact that my presence had on my participants, and the inherent bias that occurred due to my own personal standpoints when analysing the data. Hence, it was important to remain reflexive throughout, as ‘the subjective nature of the qualitative research and the involvement of the researcher require specific attention throughout the research process’ (Band-Winterstein et al 2014: 530). I had to consider my position as a black British student. Being someone that cannot speak their mother tongue I was ‘‘simultaneously being an onlooker in the stalls and a member of the cast’’ (Shaw 1996: 10 quoted in Berger 2015: 222). This meant that I was in a unique position to interview this group, being unable to speak either Igbo or Yoruba. This created an environment in which my participants felt comfortable sharing their understandings. Furthermore, it was easier for me to gain access to this group, as my own experiences resonated with them. I feel that this would not have occurred if I was able to speak the mother tongue, as my participants voiced feeling judged by those who could speak the mother tongue. By erasing this power dynamic, I was able to elicit more information from my participants.

However, it is also important for me to recognise the limitations that come with belonging to the group that I am researching as Cloke et al (2000) note that I might fail to hear other viewpoints explored by the participants. I made a conscious effort to avoid projecting my own standpoint, giving my participants the space to explore their own opinions. By making this effort, I allowed the research to be about my participants, as opposed to trying to fashion their responses in a way that best suited me.

An additional level of comfortability between the participants and myself might also have come from us sharing the same race; there is a tendency to distrust research surrounding sensitive subjects such as race ‘especially when carried out by racial outsiders (Zinn 1979: 211 quoted in Twine 2000: 7). Emirbayer and Desmond (2012) also note that it is important to recognise the scholar’s own location in the racial order, and how this affects their presuppositions. Both myself and my participants were from countries which were colonised by European powers, and the relationship between colonialism and language was explored within my research. Most participants identified the negative impact of prioritising the former colonised power’s language, and might not have felt as comfortable conveying their negative sentiments towards empire with a white researcher.

It was also important that I was aware of the hierarchal relationship that could occur due to the dichotomy between myself as the researcher and my participants. Davies (2007) draws attention to how social positions of the researcher and participants can promote inegalitarian outcomes. However, both myself and my participants were university students from similar backgrounds, which alleviated any unequal power dynamics.

ETHICS

During the duration of my dissertation, it was imperative to ensure that the basic tenets of ethics in social science research were upheld. One of my primary responsibilities as a researcher was to allow my participants to make ‘an informed decision as to whether to become involved or not’ (Gray 2014: 222). This was done through a participant information sheet, which outlined the rationale behind my dissertation, the potential risks, and other important details, to promote full transparency between the participants and myself. It is also important to note that ‘some research participants may be informed and knowledgeable about the theoretical debates and terminologies in which the research questions are grounded, many will not be‘ (Davies 2007: 55). Hence, it is important for me to define key concepts to ensure they are properly understood, such as assimilation. I also ensured to ‘process consent’ (Wiles 2013: 28), reminding my participants they could withdraw at any time.

The right to privacy throughout my dissertation was also ensured as ‘the identity of research participants will be protected through various processes designed to anonymise them’ (Wiles 2013: 42) such as replacing their names with letters and trying to remove any identifiable information. However, it is important to note that complete anonymity was not possible, as the countries that people are from are included in my dissertation, which might enable people to identify my participants. Furthermore ‘the individuality that is preserved in linguistic habits means that the use of extensive direct quotations makes informants recognizable, at least to themselves, and often to others who know them well’ (Davies 2007: 60). Consequently, the talking style of my participants was influenced by their geographical location, namely growing up in London, and I made sure to explain that this could make them identifiable.

The final tenet of ethics in my dissertation is the minimisation of harm. In my interviews, there was the potential to become emotional, due to questions surrounding your identity and relationships with family members. However, I made it clear to my participants that they were able to move on from any topic that unsettled them, but none of my participants felt that this was necessary. Furthermore, I shared my own experiences of not speaking my mother tongue ‘so that the exchange of information (and the power balance) is more even’ (Farrimond 2012: 145). This allowed my participants to feel more comfortable sharing information.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS

GUARDIANS OF THE CULTURE: A STORY OF WOMEN

OUTSIDER

Burck (2011) refers to women as ‘guardians of culture’, being expected to retain their home culture, and pass it onto their children, when they migrate. Giles and Edwards (2006) also note that women are predominantly responsible for maintaining contact with family members. This gendered expectation of culture transmission applies a lot of pressure to women to ensure that this is the case. In the case of my participants, neither their mothers or fathers facilitated the transmission of culture through language. One such reason for this is intercultural marriage. With a lack of a shared mother tongue within the familial sphere, many families return to English (Lin 2019, Alba et al 2002). This is reiterated as ‘intermarriage, however, raises a question about choosing a language for communication among family members and usually results in language shifts for children’ (Jan and Lomeli 2019: 3). This is seen with Participant B’s familial experiences, being the only participant that came from two countries:

Participant B: I think because mum doesn’t speak Creole, and my dad speaks both, I guess it was easier for him to communicate in English to both of us, me and my sister

Here, it is evident that the decision not to teach the mother tongue was not a result of external factors, Rather, the decision was made in order to avoid construction of one parent as an outsider within the familial home. This is important, as those who come from multilingual homes in which neither parent shares the mother tongue are often left out of analysis. Furthermore, whilst both parents did not share the same mother tongue, the responsibility was put on the mother to learn:

Participant B: I think they expected her to learn and then teach us, but I think it’s because they’re so traditional in their values, that it’s like you go to his side of the family, you learn his language, you learn his culture rather than my mum’s.

Lin’s (2019) study on immigrant women in Taiwan uncovered similar findings. Many of the immigrant mothers felt unable to practice their mother tongue in front of their children in order to avoid discomfort on their mother-in-law’s side. This reveals that women are often considering the politics of inclusion and exclusion surrounding language. This same attitude is not always reflected in the case of the men, which often leaves the women feeling ostracized.

ASSIMILATION AND EDUCATION

The impact of assimilation is also one that has gendered connotations. It is found that mothers actively tried to shield ‘their children from potential discrimination, learning difficulty, and communication barriers in the future…the mothers seemed to project their immigration experience onto their children, trying to fix it by aligning with the assimilationist discourse’ (Lin 2019: 95). In doing so, the immigrant mothers recognised how not speaking the predominant language acted as a hindrance, and did not want their children to be impacted in the same manner. School systems also perpetuated that narrative as they ‘reflect the cultural values of the mainstream society, which favors usage of the majority language’ (Hammer et al 2011: 278). With educational institutions taking this approach, many immigrant mothers turn to education as a means to ensure assimilation. Failure to do so could lead to questioning regarding their parental ability. This is clearly the case with my participants, as they are able to acknowledge the reasons why their mother tongue was not taught, and what aspects their mothers chose to focus on instead:

Participant D: The reality to get anywhere, career wise, financially, status even , you have to kind of seem as British as possible. I think that’s why my parents have pushed so hard with education, like going to uni was never a choice (laughs)

Participant A: Umm… yeah I do feel that assimilation is important. I feel that it’s important to adapt to wherever you are in order to thrive and not be exploited. And you get exploited when you don’t really understand how things work. That’s why mum always said be smart in this life. She proper pushed for us to go to grammar schools and my brothers went to a private school

This aligns with Irvin and Elley (2011), noting that for working class black people, education was used as a means for them to escape society’s constraints for them. Furthermore, Bauer (2018) talks about respectability and how it exhibits itself through education. By being educated, Caribbean children were able to demonstrate that they are respectable members of society, and as a result, are fully assimilated. This comes from a desire to be constructed as a ‘good citizen’ (Reynods and Erel 2018: 359), who point that popular rhetoric focuses on migrant mothers and their ability to parent well by assimilating their children into the dominant culture. This rhetoric has clearly influenced the decisions of mothers regarding mother tongue teaching.

WORKING WOMEN

The culture towards women and work in the UK is also another key factor affecting mother tongue transmission to children. Reynolds (2001) explores the intersection between paid, work, mothering and race, uncovering that work is seen as one of the attributes of good mothering amongst black women. This contradicts with other ethnicities as ‘in Puerto Rican families, motherhood is considered to be a woman’s primary role, even if she works outside the home or has other responsibilities’ (Hammer et al 2011: 277). Knowing this, it is clear why many ethnic minorities do work, and thus have limited time to teach their children additional skills such as the mother tongue:

Participant C: To be honest, I don’t think teaching me how to speak Yoruba was the most important thing for mum. Like she was a single mum, raising 4 young kids, and she just wanted to go to work, do her thing, then come home. Like she had to work a lot in order to support all of us.

Here, it is clear how working is prioritised more. By working, Participant C’s mother was able to provide for her, but also sacrificed teaching her children the mother tongue. This does not mean that she were not connected to the culture in other ways:

Participant C: Yes. Because, obviously, even though I can’t speak it like that, I’ve always been around if it you get what I mean. Like my mum watches Nollywood religiously, and it’s mostly the Yoruba ones.

Gender in the context of migration carries a very different dynamic when compared to gender performed in the home countries. The gendered dimension of remittances is noted here, as women migrants are more inclined to send money back home. This is in addition to balancing the working responsibilities that they have in their host country:

Participant A: Yeah my mum sends my Grandma money, and she sends back all our old clothes. I think she kinda feels like it’s her responsibility because she’s here and they’re there.

This reiterates how gender functions, as women often feel obligated to ensure that their families back home are benefitting from the financial security gained by migrating to another nation (Wong 2006, Abrego 2009, Petrozziello 2011). Hence, whilst mothers might not have time to teach their children the mother tongue, they still ensure that a connection is maintained with those back home through financial means.

Furthermore, ‘Moo Hurh’s (1988) study of Korean wives in the United States found that a key reason that these migrant wives had difficulty adjusting to their lives in the United States was because they must carry the “double burden” of both waged work as well as most domestic labors’ (Song 1995: 288). This highlights the interaction between time and migrant mothers, as emphasised by Participant C. The priority is not on teaching the mother tongue, but rather finding a balance between two different responsibilities. This is in sharp contrast with ‘home’, as there is ‘strong sense of cohesiveness and group responsibility in all social endeavors including parenting’ (Nyarko 2014: 265). The individualistic nature of parenting in the UK means that migrant parents, particularly mothers, are forced to prioritise. Hence, whilst the mother tongue is not taught due to time constraints and assimilation concerns, mothers still ensure their children are connected to the culture, as exhibited through virtual transantional families.

JUST A COOKIE AWAY

The idea of transnational ‘e-families’ is particularly pertinent to my participants, with such family types being described as ‘permanently connected with their relatives abroad and, at the same time, the immigrants have a sense of steady connection with their home and local communities’ (Benítez 2012: 1446). The sense of belonging to two places at once, enabled by the internet, is a subject worthy of exploration.

Interview analysis conveyed that many of the participants felt they belonged to transnational families, facilitated through internet communicative technologies (ICTs). This is viewed as a means for individuals ‘to not only manage and maintain their connections but also to negotiate their roles through time’ (Aguila 2009: 100 quoted in Bacigalupe and Cámara 2012: 1427). Kang (2012) also remarks on the importance of the internet, noting that it has become central to transnational settings.

THE END OF CALLING CARD CULTURE

Participant A: The only person I speak to is my grandma, that is every, let’s say… three weeks?

Interviewer: Ooh okay, that’s quite often

Participant A: Yeah, quite often, facetime or calls because she has Lyca.

Interviewer: Okay, so mostly through the phone?

Participant A: Mmhmm.

This exchange conveys the mediums used by my participants to communicate with family members abroad. This coincides with other scholars, who note the importance of the telephone to foster connections with extended family. (Wilding 2006, Kang 2012, Senyürekli and Detzner 2009). The use of ‘a wide variety of methods in the past and present, including (but not limited to) telephone calls, telegrams, letters, faxes, email, Internet chat rooms, Internet websites, mobile text messages, videos’ (Wilding 2006: 130), is echoed in my own work. However, it is important to consider that this article was published over 14 years ago, and therefore some of these mediums are not as relevant now as they were at the time of publishing. However, the relevance of telephone calls to facilitate virtual transnational families cannot be ignored, as ‘… 70 per cent of respondents use mobile phones to communicate among transnational families’ (Benítez 2012: 1445):

Participant C: So umm… I try to speak to my grandma as often as I can, obviously through Whatsapp. Yeah, Whatsapp because it’s free. No one’s trying to pay international charges no more (laughs).

Here, my participant draws attention to cost prohibiting them from speaking to family abroad. She speaks of international charges, with the convenience of Whatsapp enabling her to circumvent this. Hence, it is clear that global communication chains have been altered in regards to phone conversations. With the influx of new technology, which makes communicating to family members cheaper (Kang 2012, Vertovec 2004), people are able to maintain transnational connections with ease. This means that phone conversations between my participants and their families were no longer seen as a financial burden. Whatsapp is a means that facilitates this, relying on data or WIFI. This therefore conveys how international calling has adapted, becoming more reliant on modern technology.

Participant C: I remember when I was little, Mum always had to get these phone cards from the corner shop, for like £5, and she’d use them to speak to family in Nigeria. Thank God I don’t have to do that now, because if I did, I know I deffo wouldn’t be talking to my grandma as often as I do now, that’s just long and expensive.

Here, it is clear that for my participant, the ease of communication with family abroad has allowed for the forging of stronger relationships, which may not have occurred if international communication remained so inaccessible. Without this communication, coupled with the lack of visits back home for many of my participants, the connection with their home country would arguably have been lost. This therefore presents the argument that mother tongue knowledge is not the most important component in maintaining a connection to your home country. Rather, a sustained connection with those abroad, aided with the use of ICTs helps people to grow their identity with their home country.

An interesting observation amongst my participants surrounded the use of different social media forums depending on who they were communicating with.

Participant D: I speak probably the most to my cousins, just because they’re more in touch with technology and things like that.

Here you can see that the difference in social media networks used is dependent on age. Alinejad (2019) observes that many of the participants in their study did not see Whatsapp as they did Instagram or Twitter, as with Whatsapp they were able to exert more control over what was shared. This might be the case amongst my participants, sharing more personal aspects of their lives with family members closer in age. This highlights the different relationships present in transnational families, all of which have an impact on identity.

ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE

Furthermore, my participants’ social media profiles, which are all in English, are still regularly interacted with by family members abroad, suggesting language is not as significant a barrier to belonging as previously assumed. This is undoubtedly one of the outcomes of English becoming a global language. Scholars note that using English as a global language ‘tend[s] to render the use of English “natural” and “normal” and to marginalise other languages’ (Phillipson 1992: 191). Using this view, English as a global language denies the importance of other mother tongues. Hence, Participant C’s relatives’ acceptance of English on their profile is something that has occurred over time due to the gradual dismissal of their own mother tongue. It is also observed that a language becomes an international language for one chief reason: the power of its people – especially their political and military power’ (Crystal 2012: 9). Hence, English has been given this status is a direct result of colonialization. In this sense, English as a global language can be viewed negatively as it has resulted in a Eurocentric prioritisation of languages.

Conversely, the use of the English language has been strengthened by the internet (Guilherme 2007). This can be viewed as a progressive contribution, as having a global language enables communication to transcend borders with ease. This is as a direct result of globalisation. Hence, the argument that mother tongue knowledge is integral to identity formation is weakened, as globalisation has enabled language to become less of a barrier. Rather, interactions with those abroad, who are able to share knowledge of the home country, is more impactful on identity formation.

SEEING IS BELIEVING

The use of ICTs that incorporate video technology has helped transnational connections be maintained. This differs from technology that is solely based on audio, as transnational families can see each other in real time, enabling the growth of a more intimate connection than could have been obtained through audio technology (Alinejad 2019, Francisco 2015). These mediums can therefore be regarded as a way to ‘stream emotions and as a way to ‘see’ family.’ (King-O’Riain 2015: 266). In the case of some of my participants, it is clear the ability to see their family was imperative, and that voice calls were not seen as an adequate substitute:

Participant D: I like facetiming my grandma more than anyone, I can’t lie. It’s not like she knows how to use the phone properly either (laughs), she’s always putting me on pause by accident, then she calls my cousins for help. But yeah…. I think she is who I value talking to the most. I don’t know when I’ll get to see her next, so seeing that she’s alive and well is comforting.

This remark makes it obvious that the use of ICTs for older family members was aided by younger members. This is reiterated in scholarship, as ‘lacking familiarity with internet tools, these women only use the internet when the support of other male or younger family members is available’ (Kang 2012: 153). However, this article also points out this lack of ICT knowledge is more common amongst the older generation, depicting a generational disparity, as seen with Participant D. Thus, video technology enables transnational families to check in on each other in a way that is not possible when talking on the phone. This differs slightly from other scholarship surrounding this subject, with such focusing on ‘being always “on’’ (Madianou 2016: 192). Whilst my participants were not always readily available to speak to their family abroad, it is clear that a connection was sustained between them.

DIGITAL BONDS ACROSS BOUNDARIES

All my participants noted that they did communicate to those back home, with varying degrees of frequency. This illustrates the ability to maintain connections, which would not have been possible without technological advancements made to ICTs. The relationship between frequency of visits back home and frequency of using communication technology to connect to those abroad is explored. Senyürekli and Detzner (2009) suggest that the longer people went without physical contact with those abroad, the more reliance they would have on communication technologies. This is echoed by Menjívar (2002) who theorises that the infrequency of visits back home promotes intense transnational activity. Therefore, the use of ICTs could be seen as a means to compensate for this. I believe that this is pertinent to my dissertation, as most of my participants remarked on the lack of visitation to back home:

Participant B: Recently no. The last time I went back to Trinidad was when I was like 11 I think, so like 10 years ago. And then when I went to Mauritius like ages ago, like I can’t even remember I was small.

Participant C: I haven’t. But I wanna go back so bad!

Only one participant noted that they go home often, which is in sharp contrast with the others.

Participant D: I’ve been home quite a few times! Last time was 2016 I think? And I’ve been about 4 or times before that. So yeah, I’d say I go quite often.

However, the frequency with which they spoke to their family back home was no different to those that either had not gone home for a prolonged period of time, or had not visited home at all. This seems to suggest that there is not a connection between frequency of visits back home and frequency of use of ICTs. Hence, ICTs are not used to compensate for visits, but to enable new connections that would not otherwise be possible.

For some participants, the communication was quite regular and mundane, whereas for others, it was an event that they did not necessarily want to partake in.

Participant B: Umm… say my dad’s just been to Mauritius, he’d put me on the phone to like some uncle, and it’d be like through Facetime.

Interviewer: Okay, so the fact that you said it’s like some uncle you don’t know, you feel like there’s clearly a distance between like you--

Participant B: Yeah.

Here, it is clear that Participant B felt forced to interact with their uncle. Hence, it is naive to assume that transnational technologies have fostered intense emotional connections between all my participants in the UK and those abroad. There still appears to be a sense of distance between these family members, and it is clear that the use of ICTs only exacerbates this. This is in sharp contrast with Participant C who remarks:

Participant C: I love speaking to my grandma because she teaches me stuff about Yoruba mythology that I haven’t heard, and it’s just really interesting. It just makes me appreciate Yoruba culture and being Nigerian a whole lot more. Like no one else is really telling me about this, so I appreciate Grandma a lot, if you get what I’m saying.

It is clear here that technology has enabled cultural transmission to occur across international borders (Oiarzabul and Reips 2012, Nedelcu 2012), enabling Participant C to feel more connected to Nigeria. Here, you can see how Participant C values this exchange with her grandma, as she is able to learn something about her culture that might not be explored otherwise. This is reiterated by Madianou and Miller (2012) who observed that the distance in transnational families can enable relations to flourish, which is evidently what has occurred in Participant C’s experience. Scholarship draws attention to this use of ICTs to facilitate culture learning as ‘immigrants can not only learn about what is happening back home but also explore other countries and cultures and connect ‘‘virtually’’ with their countrymen and other migrants across the world’ (Senyürekli and Detzner 2009: 810).

Additionally, scholarship surrounding transnational families tend to portray them as distant and separate (King-O’Riain 2015). Whilst they are geographically distant, this view fails to consider their emotional closeness. This emotional connection can clearly be seen in the connection between Participant C and her grandma, which transcends physical distance. In teaching Participant C about Yoruba mythology, she was able to establish an intimate bond with both her grandma and her country. This sentiment is echoed by other scholars, observing that ‘critics… often give too little credence to the significance of the informational networks that help groups forge community and sustain identity’ (Parham 2004: 204). Therefore, ICTs have had a paramount effect in helping to forge and sustain identities with those that are geographically removed, which cannot be underestimated. Knowing this, it is important to examine how this affects perceptions of belonging

A TALE OF TWO COUNTRIES- BELONGING

HOME IS WHERE THE HEART IS

To understand how lack of mother tongue knowledge affected my participants, I asked them what they believed identity was. This produced a wide range of responses:

Participant D: In terms of who I am as a person, my personality, and how I view life, I think that’s definitely the more fluid part of identity.

It is clear for my participants, identity is seen as fluid. This greatly contradicts with other scholarship, as ‘migrant identity is therefore problematic since this fixes the migrant in time, space and process’ (Anthias 2002: 500). It is clear this assumption adopts a narrow view of migrant identity, constraining it as fixed. In doing so, the multiplicity of migrant/second-generation identity is disregarded, and in my participants’ cases, this is an aspect of their identity they are proud of.

Participant B: Like, I’m born Mauritian and Trinidadian, as well as British. I think it’s everchanging though. So you have like a basis of who you are, and that’s like, where your parents are from, and like where you were born and the language you speak, but then when it comes down to it, your experiences of life in general can shape who you are.

Here, it is clear that my participant feels a sense of belonging to all of the countries that they are from. This aligns with Yuval-Davis (2010) who writes on the multiplex aspect of identity. In belonging to Mauritius and Trinidad, whilst simultaneously not being able to speak the language, language is perceived to be irrelevant in constructions of identity.

The idea of home is closely connected to that of identity, and the issue of where home is for diasporic members is debated extensively (McAuliffe 2007, Al-Ali and Koser 2002). Safran (1991) questions whether the home nation is still seen as a source of value and identity. Amongst my participants, it is apparent that this is the case, as the majority expressed feelings of belonging to their home country:

Participant C: I feel like I call Nigeria home, because I know I’m always welcome there, you know, no one’s tryna chase me out or nothing, no one looks at me sideways (laughs) when I’m walking down the street, so yeah home is definitely, definitely Nigeria.

Here, the sense of belonging to their home country comes from being constructed as an outsider in the UK, due to markers of otherness such as race. However, the ability for them to construct communities within the UK that are reflective of their home country assists their feelings of belonging ‘back home’. Reynolds (2009) in her study of Caribbean families and diasporic identities discovered that ‘the Caribbean community have responded by establishing their own institutions and agencies within their local neighbourhoods to meet their own needs’ (Reynolds 2009: 1093). This allows them to have a lived experience of their home country within the UK, thus enabling them to belong to their home country, despite the geographical distance. Arguably, this is a result of segmented assimilation, in which second-generation youth do not assimilate into a homogeneous American culture, but are instead more influenced by their immediate environments, with the extent of this being linked to their parent’s participation with their home country. (Portes and Zhou 1993). This is echoed with many of my participants, as their parents made sure that they were connected to their home country in ways aside from their language, such as through the culture and food:

Participant B: I think that Mauritius has very much integrated itself into North London in particular. Because like, in Wood Green, there’s like a little stall that you can get Mauritian food and my dad takes me sometimes.

Here ways of belonging are exercised, as Levitt and Schiller (2004) theorise that this refers to practices that signal a conscious connection to a particular group. By engaging in Mauritian culture by eating the food, Participant B is asserting their belonging to that group. All of my participants were able to list ways in which they remained connected to their culture despite not visiting, such as through the music, films or visiting other family members in the UK.

However, home is conceptualised as a ‘mythic place of desire in the diasporic imagination’ (Brah 1996: 192). Brah instead conceptualises home as a place in which lived experiences occur, and therefore a sense of nostalgic longing for the homeland is not enough. With all of my participants being Britain born and raised, their lived experiences have occurred within the UK, and therefore according to Brah (1996) the UK is their home.

Participant B: I call England home, London. I’ve always been here. I think I’m very much in…not in the white British culture particularly, nor any particular race’s culture, I just think I’m more immersed in London.

Similar notions are echoed in Anderson’s (1991) work Imagined Communities, in which he notes that ‘members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members…yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion’ (Anderson 1991: 6). In saying this, it is clear any sense of community is socially constructed. Some of my participants felt that they did not belong to either their home country or the UK:

Participant A: No, I don’t think Nigeria is my home, bc I can’t call a place I’ve never been my home. I feel London is very multicultural, but I just feel like there’s just something missing, and maybe bc I’ve never experienced Nigeria, that probably is what’s missing, but I’ve just never really felt that I truly belong in Britain.

This reveals that a sense of belonging and identity is obtained from more than just language and a shared sense of heritage. Due to the outsider status of living in the UK, and the lack of visitation to Nigeria, a feeling of displacement occurs. This conveys language is not integral to identity.

MOTHER TONGUE KNOWLEDGE

Knowledge of the mother tongue is one of the biggest indicators of belonging to a group. Letsholo (2009) observes that for minority languages to survive, the younger generation needs to perceive the language as fundamental to their identity. In the case of my participants, it is clear this is the case, with many of them emphasising the importance of their mother tongue, and perceiving it positively:

Participant D: Because for me I want to be able to speak to my kids in Luganda so that the culture isn’t lost. I think that language is such an important thing, because the Lugandan language, obviously you wouldn’t know if you weren’t Ugandan, but the Luganda language is quite beautiful.

Participant A: 100%. I even had this convo yesterday, of like making sure that my dad is like, speaking the language to my child, and like actually playing songs for them because culture shouldn’t die at a generation.

Mother tongue knowledge was still regarded as a priority for many groups (Letsholo 2009, Aydin and Ozfindan 2014, Kreisslová and Novotny 2018), therefore correlating to the findings uncovered in my dissertation, in which many of my participants romanticised their mother tongue. All of my participants spoke on the importance of teaching their children the mother tongue.

This is in direct contradiction with the vast majority of research surrounding second-generation immigrants and the mother tongue. Most of the research alludes to the loss of the mother tongue, as people begin to assimilate more into the country of birth’s culture (Tosi 1979). However, Gogonas (2007) in his study found that a positive attitude towards the mother tongue and language maintenance does not always result in generational language transmission. Whilst people are aware of the relationship between the mother tongue and identity, holding it to a high regard, it does not always translate to their lived experience.

COLONIAL IMPACTS

It is also clear that colonisation has an effect on how my participants positioned themselves in relation to the home country. My participants hailed from an array of countries, namely Nigeria, Ugandan, Mauritius and Trinidad. The decision for many of their parents to move here was unconsciously linked to colonialism, as ‘as former colonial subjects, they had, or felt that they had, a `special’ historical relationship with the colonial heartland’ (Robins and Aksoy 2001: 685). This colonial past has had long lasting implications, reflected in present day attitudes.

Participant B: Oh, 100?. Like my parents would be like ‘Put on the accent so they treat you differently.’ Because like, when you go to that country, and have an English accent, they treat you better because they like think you have money.’

Arguably, such attitudes could result in my participants seeing their home country as a region of possession and potential exploitation (Bolagnani 2014). This is expanded further in this article as those living abroad could ‘take advantage of the separateness of the two worlds to construct or reaffirm their power’ (Bolagnani 2014: 113). This refers to the ways in which native English speakers are constructed in these countries as inherently more valuable. Purely by speaking English, Participant B was viewed differently, giving them an undue advantage in their home country. This is echoed in other work, as Ocampo’s study found that ‘respondents also said that the English proficiency of Filipinos in the USA, an outgrowth of American colonialism, distinguished them from Asians’ (Ocampo 2012: 429). This shows that there is a sense of colonial superiority as English proficiency is highly regarded. One could argue that this is as a consequence of English being regarded as a global language as Participant B notes:

Yeah, 100%. I think, bc they’re making money from it, they’re just like if this works, let it be.

Here, it is apparent that the higher esteem placed on English is due to its ability to generate the most money from operating within business. Thus, mother tongue knowledge does not seem to be a concern, even within the home country itself. This is indicative of the global culture surrounding mother tongue knowledge, being seen as less advantageous when compared to English. However, not all people view the mother tongue in this way, as evidenced by Participant C:

Me and my sisters obviously would be speaking English, and we’d just sound really British and proper, and like people would say ‘whose white child is this’ but obviously in Yoruba.

There is clearly a contrast between Participant B and C. Whilst Participant B was praised for her command of the English language in her home country, the same action was frowned upon in Participant C’s experience. This echoes other work , as ‘visits ‘‘home’’ to the homeland can lead to young people experiencing a sense of dislocation’ (Reynolds and Zontini 2016: 385). Bhimji (2008) also speaks about this dichotomy, with second generation children returning to their home country and feeling like both an insider and an outsider. Their inability to speak the mother tongue only serves to ostracize them further. Thus, mother tongue knowledge is evidently held in high regard for some, with some believing that not knowing it is a rejection of your home culture.

CONCLUSION

My dissertation sought to explore the experiences of ethnic minority students who cannot speak their mother tongue, examining how this affected their identity, and the means that they used to stay connected to their culture. This was because scholars argued that language was an integral part of culture (Aydin and Ozfidan,2014, Kreisslová and Novotny 2018). However, my research uncovered that language was not as central to identity as previously thought, and that my participants had other means by which they were able to stay connected to their home country, thus answering my research objective.

My dissertation discovered numerous ways that people stayed connected to their home country , with one such way being ICTs, as ‘the instantaneity of communication, migrants in particular felt much more closely connected to their kin in the home country’ (Wilding 2006: 132). This was a way for my participants to sustain connections with those back home, and learn more about their culture, therefore asserting that they belonged. Furthermore, issues surrounded belonging were explored, uncovering that many participants felt they belonged back home as opposed to the UK, despite not being able to speak the mother tongue. They managed to retain their connection with the homeland through diasporic communities in the UK, further emphasising how language is not as important to identity. Furthermore, women as ‘guardians of the culture’ (Burck 2011: 374) was explored, as this gendered aspect is often neglected.

In doing this dissertation, the underexplored issue of lack of mother tongue knowledge was dissected, and could prove to be a starting point for more research centring those who are unable to speak their mother tongue. In future, research could be undertaken that includes male participants, exploring if belonging to your home country, despite the language barrier, is affected by gender. However, my dissertation still enabled me to uncover neglected viewpoints surrounding the mother tongue and identity, and emphasised the importance of the family in helping to maintain transnational connections.

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APPENDICES

RESEARCH ETHICS CHECKLIST

School of Sociology & Social Policy

Application for Research Ethics Approval for UG and PGT Students

This form and any attachments must be completed, signed electronically, and submitted to

LQ-researchethicSSP@exmail.nottingham.ac.uk

This form must be completed for all research projects, assignments or dissertations which are conducted within the School. You must not begin data collection or approach potential research participants (gatekeepers excepted) until you have submitted this form and received ethical clearance from the Schools’ Research Ethics Committee (SSP-REC). Any change in the question, design or conduct of the research over the course of the research should be reported and may require a new application.

The following checklist is a starting point for an ongoing process of reflection with your supervisor(s) about the ethical issues concerning your study. Two things need to be stressed:

Checking one or more shaded boxes does not mean that you cannot conduct your research as currently anticipated; however, it does mean that further questions will need to be asked and addressed, further discussions will need to take place, and alternatives may need to be considered or additional actions undertaken.

Avoiding the shaded boxes does not mean that ethical considerations can subsequently be 'forgotten'; on the contrary, research ethics – for everyone and in every project – should involve an ongoing process of reflection.

Application Checklist

You should provide documents to cover each of the questions below where your response is ‘yes’, and tick to indicate the type of evidence you have enclosed. All forms/templates are on the Research Ethics website.

Questions about your application Evidence required Enclosed

Does the research project, dissertation or assignment involve human participants or their data? Application for Research Ethics Approval (this form) ☒

Participant Consent Form ☒

Participant Information Sheet ☒

Research Participant GDPR Privacy Notice ☒

Is the research of a sensitive nature, i.e. involves vulnerable participants and/or is concerned with a sensitive topic? An exemplar of any communication inviting individuals to participate in the study ☐

An indicative list of survey or interview questions to be used in the study ☒

Does the research involve data collection off campus in the UK or overseas?

Overseas travel involving data collection is referred to the University’s Insurance Office. Please consult the travel advice Flow Chart and Overseas Travel Guidance and DO NOT book travel or arrange fieldwork until your application has been approved. Fieldwork Risk Assessment Form and Hazard Checklist

☐

Does the research require approval from an external UK REC (eg, NHS-HRA, HMPPS) or a Non-UK REC for research conducted outside of the UK? (NB. UG students will not be eligible to apply to external RECs) External REC approval ☐

Has your supervisor approved the research by signing this form? Supervisor signature ☐

Section 1: Applicant details

Name of researcher Temitope Lawal

Status ☒ Undergraduate student

☐ Postgraduate taught student

Student ID number 14315816

Degree programme BA Sociology

Module name and number Dissertation in Sociology/Social Policy/Criminology (SOCI3001)

Email address Lqytl2@nottingham.ac.uk

Names of other project members (if applicable)

Name of supervisor or course convenor Roda Madziva

Section 2: Project details (please provide brief details about your proposed research)

Project title ‘You’re not a real Nigerian: exploring the experiences of university students who cannot speak their mother tongue

Research question(s) or aim(s) My research is about the experiences of not being able to speak your mother tongue amongst people born in the UK. This is important as not much research has been done into how this group of people feel. I will be collecting primary data from university students, through semi-structured interviews.

Method(s) of data collection I intend to use semi-structured interviews. This will allow me to have direction, whilst still permitting the participants to share any other information about their experiences that they see as valuable. My research participants will be university students at the University of Nottingham, and will be identified using the snowball effect, therefore asking friends if they know of anybody suited to my study. The participants will be expected to answer the questions posed to them, and the interview could take anywhere between 20 minutes to 1 hour at a maximum.

Proposed site(s) of data collection (please consult the University’s Lone Working, Working Abroad and Safe Conduct of Fieldwork guidelines)

My data will be collected within the University of Nottingham site, in public spaces such as Hallward library or Portland building. Within this, I will use the private rooms, as this will provide a good space for me to record the interview material. This ensures that both the participant and myself are in a public, neutral setting. Furthermore, this provides a good space for me to record the interview material. There are no safety issues associated with doing this.

How will access to participants and/or sites be gained? I do not need a gatekeeper as university students are a group that I belong to myself, so I am easily able to access them. I will use my existing social networks, and snowballing to access participants.

How will research data be managed (please consult the Guidance on Research Data Handling for UG and PGT Students)? The data will be collected by recording the interview conversation on my phone. This will then be transferred to my laptop, which will only be accessible to me as it is locked with a password. Hence, nobody but myself will be able to access the data. I will delete the recording after I have transcribed the data. After I have received my final marks and feedback for the dissertation, the transcripts will be deleted. The data shall be anonymized by referring to participants as Participant A, B etc. Any identifying information shall be removed, such as their name. The results can be made available to the participants if requested, in the form of my completed dissertation. Alternatively, I will be able to provide them with the transcript from their interview.

A DBS check is required if the research involves being left alone with children under the age of 16 and/or vulnerable adults. If the project requires a DBS check, what is your DBS number?

Section 3: Questions about research within or involving the NHS or social care

(NB. The Prison Service does not allow undergraduate research in their institutions) Yes No

Does the study involve: patients or social care users as research participants, relatives or carers of past/present users of NHS or social care services, the use of NHS or social care records or data, Department of Health funding? (NB. NHS-HRA review is not normally required for research involving NHS or social care staff recruited as research participants by virtue of their professional role, except where the proposal raises significant ethical issues) ☐

☒

Does the study involve participants age 16 or over who are unable to give informed consent (eg, people with learning disabilities: see Mental Capacity Act 2005/ Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act 2000)? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions above, you will need to submit your research for ethics review to the appropriate REC (eg, NHS-HRA). Once approved, a copy should be appended to this completed application form and sent to the SSP-REC for its records. (NB. UG students will not be eligible to apply to external RECs)

Section 4: Ethical considerations

Please answer ALL of the following questions by ticking the appropriate box and providing additional information in the text box where required.

4.1: Questions about consent Yes No

Does the research involve other potentially vulnerable groups: children under 16, residing in residential care, having a cognitive impairment, mental health condition, physical or sensory impairments, previous life experiences (eg, victims of abuse), other (please specify below)? ☐

☒

Will the study require the co-operation of a gatekeeper for initial access to the groups or individuals to be recruited? ☐

☒

Will the research involve people taking part in the study without their knowledge and consent at the time? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions about consent, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

4.2: Questions about the potential for harm Yes No

Will the research involve discussion of sensitive or potentially sensitive topics (e.g. sexual activity, drug use, physical or mental health, racism, prejudice, illegal activity)? ☒

☐

Will the research involve physically invasive procedures, the collection of bodily samples or the administering of drugs, placebos or other substances (e.g. vitamins, food)? ☐

☒

Will the research place participants at any greater physical or emotional risk than they experience during their normal lifestyles? ☐

☒

Will the research expose the researcher to any significant risk of physical or emotional harm? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions about the potential for harm, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

As my study requires people to reflect on their experiences of not speaking their mother tongue, the potential might arise for them to become emotional. I will tell them at the beginning of the interview that they have the right not to answer questions which they may find sensitive. In the event that a participant does become emotional when narrating their experience, I will stop the interview and offer them the opportunity to withdraw from the interview altogether if that is their preferred course of action. Additionally I might experience an emotional response to what is said during the interviews, due to my own close relationship with the subject. If this is to happen, I will make sure that I speak to my supervisor about this.

4.3: Questions about data management preparation Yes No

Are you aware of the GDPR and is the proposed research compatible with it? ☒

☐

Is the research to be undertaken in the public interest? ☒

☐

Will research participants be given/directed to an appropriate GDPR privacy notice? ☒

☐

Have you read the University of Nottingham’s Code of Research Conduct and Research Ethics, and agree to abide by it? ☒

☐

Have you read the Data Protection Policy and Guidance of the University of Nottingham, and agree to abide by them? ☒

☐

If you have answered ‘no’ to any of the questions about the potential for harm, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

4.4: Questions about data collection, confidentiality and storage Yes No

Will the research involve administrative or secure data that requires permission from the appropriate authorities before use? ☐

☒

Will data collection take place somewhere other than public and/or professional spaces (work setting)? ☐

☒

Will the research involve respondents to the internet or other visual/vocal methods where participants may be identified? ☐

☒

Will the personal data of research participants (e.g. name, age, gender, ethnicity, religious or other beliefs, sexuality, physical or mental health conditions) be revealed in research outputs or stored data? ☐

☒

Will the research involve the sharing of data or confidential information beyond the initial consent given? ☐

☒

Will financial inducements (other than reasonable expenses and compensation for time) be offered to participants? ☐

☒

If you have answered ‘yes’ to any of the questions about data collection, confidentiality and storage, you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research in the box below:

Section 5: Ethical approval

DECLARATION OF ETHICAL RESEARCH

By signing this form, I agree to work within the protocol which I have outlined and to abide by the University of Nottingham’s Code of Research Conduct and Research Ethics, which I have read. If I make any changes to my protocol (such as changes to methods of data collection, the proposed sites of data collection, the means by which participants are accessed) which would change my answers to any of the questions above I will submit a new form to my supervisor or course convenor. Once approved, this should be sent to LQ-researchethicSSP@exmail.nottingham.ac.uk.

T. Lawal 18/11/19

Signature of student Date

AUTHORISATION

Having reviewed the ethical issues arising from the proposed research:

☒ I confirm the research can go ahead as planned.

☐ The project must be referred on to the Research Ethics Committee for more detailed ethical scrutiny (please briefly indicate reason(s) for the referral).

Roda Madziva 2/12/19

Signature of supervisor Date

The School’s Research Ethics Committee authorises the research to go ahead as described.

Signature of REC / REIO Date

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET

Participant Information Sheet

Date:

Title of Study: ‘OYINBO! FAKE NIGERIAN!: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT OF LACK OF MOTHER TONGUE KNOWLEDGE ON IDENTITY AND BELONGING

Name of Researcher(s): Temitope Lawal

I would like to invite you to take part in my research study. Before you decide I would like you to understand why the research is being done and what it would involve for you. I will go through the information sheet with you and answer any questions you have. Talk to others about the study if you wish. Ask me if there is anything that is not clear.

What is the purpose of the study?

The purpose of this study is to explore the experiences of university students who are not able to speak their mother tongue. This will help me to understand the effects that this has on you, as well as helping me to uncover the reasons behind not being taught your mother tongue.

Why have I been invited?

You are being invited to take part because you do not speak your mother tongue. I are inviting 6 participants like you to take part.

Do I have to take part?

It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you do decide to take part you will be given this information sheet to keep and be asked to sign a consent form (completion and return of a Questionnaire can be taken as implied consent). If you decide to take part you are still free to withdraw at any time and without giving a reason. This would not affect your legal rights.

What will happen to me if I take part?

As a participant, you will need to meet me once for an interview, in which I will ask you about your experiences of not being able to speak your mother tongue. Therefore you will only be directly involved in the research for the duration of your interview, which will be within 20 minutes to an hour long. You will only need to attend this interview once, as all the information required will be gathered during this one time. Hence, you will need to visit the university once with me to enable me to conduct the interview. Within this interview, some personal information such as your background will be revealed, but this will only be available to me.

Expenses and payments

Participants will not be paid an allowance to participate in the study.

What are the possible disadvantages and risks of taking part?

There is a risk that you might become emotional during the duration of the interview, due to questions on your experiences of not speaking your mother tongue being asked. However, if this does occur, you are free to move on from this question, and retain the right to withdraw throughout.

What are the possible benefits of taking part?

I cannot promise the study will help you but the information I get from this study may help others to understand the effects of not being able to speak your mother language, and could lead to future initiatives to encourage people to be taught their mother language.

What if there is a problem?

If you have a concern about any aspect of this study, you should ask to speak to the researchers who will do their best to answer your questions. If you remain unhappy and wish to complain formally, you can do this by contacting the School Research Ethics Officer. All contact details are given at the end of this information sheet.

Will my taking part in the study be kept confidential?

We will follow ethical and legal practice and all information about you will be handled in confidence.

If you join the study, the data collected for the study will be looked at by authorised persons from the University of Nottingham who are organising the research. They may also be looked at by authorised people to check that the study is being carried out correctly. All will have a duty of confidentiality to you as a research participant and we will do our best to meet this duty.

All information which is collected about you during the course of the research will be kept strictly confidential, stored in a secure and locked office, and on a password protected database. Any information about you which leaves the University will have your name and address removed (anonymised) and a unique code will be used so that you cannot be recognised from it. Anonymised data may also be stored in data archives for future researchers interested in this area.

Your personal data will deleted as soon as the interview is completed. All research data will be deleted three months after the submission of my dissertation in May 2020. After this time your data will be disposed of securely. During this time all precautions will be taken by all those involved to maintain your confidentiality, only members of the research team will have access to your personal data.

Although what you say in the interview is confidential, should you disclose anything to me which I feel puts you or anyone else at any risk, I may feel it necessary to report this to the appropriate persons.

What will happen if I don’t want to carry on with the study?

Your participation is voluntary and you are free to withdraw at any time, without giving any reason, and without your legal rights being affected. If you withdraw then the information collected so far may not be possible to extract and erase after 14 days from the date of interview and this information may still be used in the project analysis.

What will happen to the results of the research study?

The results from the interview will be used within my dissertation. This counts towards my BA Sociology degree. To obtain a copy of my dissertation, you can contact me via email. You will not be identified in any report/publication, in order to ensure anonymity.

Who is organising and funding the research?

This research is being organised by the University of Nottingham as part of my undergraduate third year dissertation.

Who has reviewed the study?

All research in the University of Nottingham is looked at by a group of people, called a Research Ethics Committee, to protect your interests. This study has been reviewed and approved by the School of Sociology and Social Policy Research Ethics Committee.

Signed by: T. Lawal

Further information and contact details

Researcher: Temi Lawal

Supervisor/PI: Roda Madziva, roda.madziva@nottingham.ac.uk, Tel: 0115 83 15420

Research Ethics Officer: Dr Alison Mohr, alison.mohr@nottingham.ac.uk, Tel: 0115 84 68151

GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) privacy notice

Research participant privacy notice for tailoring

Privacy information for Research Participants

For information about the University’s obligations with respect to your data, who you can get in touch with and your rights as a data subject, please visit: https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/utilities/privacy.aspx.

Why we collect your personal data

We collect personal data under the terms of the University’s Royal Charter in our capacity as a teaching and research body to advance education and learning. Specific purposes for data collection on this occasion are to investigate the effects of not speaking your mother tongue amongst university students.

Legal basis for processing your personal data under GDPR

The legal basis for processing your personal data on this occasion is Article 6(1a) consent of the data subject

Special category personal data

In addition to the legal basis for processing your personal data, the University must meet a further basis when processing any special category data, including: personal data revealing racial or ethnic origin.

The basis for processing your sensitive personal data on this occasion is Article 9(2a) the data subject has given explicit consent to the processing.

How long we keep your data

The recordings obtained through the interview will deleted after the interview has been transcribed. The transcription is collected for my third year undergraduate dissertation, and will be deleted three months after the submission of my dissertation, in September 2020.

Measures to safeguard your stored data include making sure that the transcripts are stored on my computer, which is only accessible with my password, and removing any identifiable information such as the participant’s name and where they may live. Furthermore, the data will be anonymised by referring to each participant as Participant A, B, etc.

INTERVIEW TOPIC GUIDE

Do your parents share the same mother tongue? If not, what is your mother or father’s tongue?

Why do you think you were not taught your mother tongue?

Some people claim that language is an integral part of your identity. What are your views?

Some people claim that not speaking your mother tongue creates a disconnect between you and your home country. In your situation, how true is this?

What has the reaction of extended family members’ been like when they realise that you are unable to speak your mother tongue? What is your relationship with these family members?

What do you think identity is?

Have you been back to your ‘home country’? How regularly do you visit if this is the case? How often do relatives come to visit them?

When it comes to the concept of home, where do you call home and why?

What factors connect you to your country of origin?

Do you think that assimilation is important?

Have you ever felt encouraged to try and learn your mother tongue yourself (w/o family prompting?